Saturday, May 2, 2009

Indian Congress Vs. BJP: Beware Indians, Whom To Vote










The BJP Turn: The IT Sector:








Information technology (IT) is arguably one of the more remarkable products of the advanced industrialized countries (AIC). Its development in the AICs and subsequent widespread use there indicates that IT tools are not only a consequence of economic growth and development, but is also the cause of further economic growth. Developing countries such as India are attempting to catch up and they are fortunate to have the use of IT at an earlier stage of their development than the currently developed countries had when they were developing.I am pleased to note that the BJP believes in the use of technology for development. The BJP recognizes that IT enhances productivity and increases production. Their press release on the IT vision document is unequivocal and clearly lays out the components of the policy. It should be required reading for pundits and lay persons alike. Their policy declaration “IT for All” is bold, visionary, timel and ambitious. It is also fatally flawed and wrong-headed.BJP’s pledge: IT for AllShri LK Advani said, “A future NDA Government, if elected to office in the coming parliamentary elections, would give high priority to the realisation of this vision, which would help India overcome the current economic crisis; create productive employment opportunities on a large scale; accelerate human development through vastly improved and expanded education and healthcare services; check corruption; and make India’s national security more robust.”Exciting though the vision and the specific proposals are, I have a few points that I would like to get a better understanding of. I am not a policy pundit. So my take on the matter is based mainly on simple arithmetic. (The text in blockquotes is from the press release of the IT policy linked above.)• Multipurpose National Identity Card (MNIC) with unique Citizen Identification Number (CIN) for every Indian citizen in 3 years; to replace all other identification systems.Perhaps MNIC is a great idea. I imagine that it will be used for a large number of transactions, although what they would be I cannot tell.Given the context, it will not be a paper card. The US social security number is just a plain piece of paper. But I am guessing that in India it will be a smart card with an embedded chip carrying information about the citizen.But let’s do the arithmetic. India has around 1,200,000,000 citizens. Assuming a conservative Rs 200 (around $4) per card, that works out to be Rs 240,000,000,000 or around Rs 24 thousand crores. That is the cost of the cards only.The administrative mechanism and the manpower, the computer systems that would be required to handle the data, the process to authenticate the identity of the person before issuing the card, handling the security of the card and the transactions done with it, etc., will be extra. Let’s assume that these involve a one-time cost of Rs 1,000 per citizen and an annual cost of Rs 100.Adding it up for those numbers, the first year cost of the program will be Rs 24 thousand crores (cards), Rs 120 thousand crores for the getting the system deployed and the fixed costs, and Rs 12 thousand crores for the first year’s operation. That is a sum of approximately Rs 156 thousand crores (or around $30 billion.)Designing such a massive system and rolling it out will be a challenge. One assumes that the required human capital is readily available in India for such a task. I have no idea how many people and how many years this will take but I am sure that the BJP has worked it out already. The benefits of a Rs 156 thousand crore investment must have also been done by the BJP.• 1.2 crore (12 million) new IT-enabled jobs in rural areas.The goal is most impressive. I wonder if the government will provide the jobs because it is unlikely that the private sector will find much use for starting up business in rural areas considering the following facts: lack of trained people, lack of basic infrastructure (most importantly electrical power), lack of demand for IT-enabled services, etc.• 1 crore (10 million) students to get laptop computers at Rs 10,000. Interest-free loan for anyone unable to afford it.I assume that there are more than 10 million students in India who are unable to afford laptop computers. So they will have to be given a loan. I presume that the loan repayment will take a few years – time for the student to graduate and earn. So for at least 5 years, the total loan will be an expenditure for the government.Cost of 10 million laptops (assuming that there are laptops available for Rs 10,000 – which is not so anyway) is Rs 10 thousand crores.• National Digital Highway Development Project to create India’s Internet backbone, and Pradhan Mantri Digital Gram Sadak Yojana for last-mile access even in the remotest of villages.There are 600,000 villages in India, some of them really remote. Assuming a conservative Rs 10 lakhs on average per village for providing last-mile access, the total cost is Rs 60 thousand crores.• Broadband Internet (2 Mbps) in every town and village, at cable TV prices (less than Rs 200/month).The prices of internet access currently in cities are over Rs 4,000 per month for 2 Mbps service. It is cheaper to provide access in cities, as compared to towns and villages (low density habitations.) Costs dictate prices and therefore to provide this service at Rs 200 per month, the subsidy will have to be around Rs 4,000 per month or around Rs 50,000 per year.Assuming that there are 10 million internet-enabled households who will get the service, the annual subsidy will cost Rs 50 thousand crores.• All schools and colleges to have Internet-enabled education.There are around 1 million schools in India. Assuming making education “internet enabled” in each on average costs Rs 10 lakhs per year, that would cost Rs 100 thousand crores per year.• 100% financial inclusion through bank accounts, with e-Banking facilities, for all Indian citizens. Direct transfer of welfare funds, preferably to the woman of the house.Good goal. Assuming that this costs Rs 100 only per citizen per year, it would cost Rs 12 thousand crores per year.• Every BPL family to be given a free smart mobile phone, which can be used by even illiterate users for accessing their bank accounts.BPL families suffer malnutrition, are illiterate, don’t have access to clean drinking water, don’t have money to educate their children, cannot afford medical care, most live in slums in cities and in the most desperate conditions in rural areas. Their first priority is unlikely to be smart phones. The best thing that they can do with a free smart phone would be to sell it to someone who can use the phone and then use the money for food, etc.But even then, let’s calculate the cost. A smart phone costs at least Rs 10,000. Assuming 20 million BPL families, the cost of this program is Rs 20 thousand crores.Adding up the numbers so farJust adding up the numbers so far, we have Rs 408 thousand crores, and we are just in the beginning of the wish-list. That is a large number even when I have actually taken lower-bound figures for the expenditure involved.How large is that? Rs 4,080,000,000,000. That is 4 trillion rupees. That works out to be over $80 billion. (Just for ease of arithmetic, let’s use $ instead of crores of rupees.)India’s population is around 1.2 billion. Of this, around 800 million survive on less than $2 per capita a day, and the remaining 400 million (I assume) on $ 5 per capita a day.Governments don’t generate wealth. They transfer wealth from one segment of the population to another. The $80 billion for the government programs listed above will come from the top 400 million. Basic arithmetic alone shows that to transfer $10 to each of the 800 million (to get the $80 billion), it would require $20 per capita from the 400 million, or about $100 per family, in addition to the current taxes they pay.This massive transfer would require a massive governmental administrative mechanism. The more money public servants handle, the more there are opportunities for corruption. This opens additional channels for corruption in a system already beset with massive corruption. If the goal is to reduce corruption as Mr Advani states, then increasing governmental interference and control of the economy is certainly not the way to go about it.ConclusionReading the document so far is exhausting enough and so I will leave the rest of the press release for later. I have yet to muster up the courage to read the 40-page pdf of the IT vision.IT is important and definitely holds a major promise of enabling India’s growth. But the items above are neither necessary nor sufficient to do so. And most importantly of all, there is not even the slightest indication of whether the massive spending will result in any benefits to the poor who need help.One of the most important lessons one learns from the centuries of human development experience is that people do achieve economic growth provided they have economic freedom. Economic freedom coupled with even modest levels of human capital is sufficient for economic development and growth.The currently developed countries did not have IT tools during their development. What they had was human capital (quite modest by today’s standards) and economic freedom. Human capital and economic freedom enabled them to develop the IT required for further increase in human capital and therefore economic development.The lesson is that IT is not necessary and certainly not sufficient for economic growthTechnology – and more specifically information and communications technology – multiplies the capabilities of a system. If the system is itself dysfunctional, IT enlarges the dysfunction; if the system itself is good, IT enlarges the good. The key is therefore to make the system good before empowering it with IT.



Agricultural Resolution



The Congress-led UPA Government is to be squarely blamed for the present sorry state of the country's agriculture sector. The Government does not have either an agricultural policy or a long-term strategy, neither has it taken any concrete step to reform the sector. Successive Congress party Governments which ruled the country for over 50 years since independence never accorded any priority to the agricultural sector. This has resulted in an unprecedented agricultural crisis in the country. Neither there has been any increase in private or public investment in the agricultural sector nor has the lot of the farmer improved. The hands that feed the nation are today forced to take their own lives in large numbers. This is not a natural calamity but government created crisis.Last year the Government had announced with great aplomb loan waiver scheme aimed at giving the farmers freedom from debt. But this scheme did not provide any benefit to farmers owning more than five acres of land. Generally dry land farmers own land more than 5 acres. Millions of farmers who have honestly repaid even a single installment of their debt, were also denied this facility. A scheme which penalizes honest and credible farmers is bad in principle. This scheme has proved to be the worst gimmick played on the poor farmers of this country in post-independent India. A whopping eighty per cent of the farmers have not gained any benefit from this scheme. The BJP had demanded that a loan of upto Rs 50,000/- should be waived off in the case of each and every farmer. We firmly believe that all farmers are equal and there should be equal justice for all. The BJP had also demanded that the loan taken by farmers from money lenders should allowed to be taken over by banks. But the Congress Government did not pay any heed to all these demands.The result of this betrayal is before all of us. The suicides continue unabated. In the Vidarbha region, where this session is taking place, more than 1200 farmers have committed suicide since April 2008, when the implementation of the scheme began. What's more, 92 farmers have lost their lives in the first 37 days of 2009 itself. This is the disastrous result of the anti farmer policies of the Congress regime. Suicides are taking place not only in Vidarbha, but also in Andhra Pradesh, Bundelkhand and other parts of the country. The situation has come to such a sorry state, that one farmer commits suicide in the country every eight hours. Can there be a greater evidence of the total failure of the scheme?The Agriculture Commission, constituted by the NDA Government and headed by renowned scientist Dr M S Swaminathan, had cautioned that if urgent reforms were not carried out the agrarian crisis in the country would worsen. The agrarian crisis would lead to agrarian collapse. Thanks to short-sighted policies of the Congress Government, this prediction appears to be coming true. The BJP strongly condemns anti-farmer policies of the Congress-led UPA Government.The BJP is of the firm belief that agriculture constitutes the backbone of Indian economy. India cannot become happy and prosperous till there is a change in the fortunes of the poor, the village and the farmers. Therefore, village, farmers and the poor should be the pivot of our economy. Successive Congress Governments have not done justice to the farmers. They never provided remunerative prices for their produce. Even today, 60 per cent of the farmers do not get access to the institutional credit and are forced to take loans from money lenders. 85 per cent of the farmers do not get proper insurance cover. They lose their crops to natural calamities such as floods or famine or to some disease. BJP promises to provide justice to the farmers by extricating them from this miserable condition.Yet another facet of the Congress betrayal has come to the fore. Farmers who benefited from the loan waiver are not being provided with new loans. It has been established that 60 per cent of such farmers are being kept at an arm's distance by banks and financial institutions. They have been left with no option but to knock at the doors of the money lenders. The Congress Government had rendered a body blow to rural economy.The Minimum Support Price (MSP) was fixed with a view to provide a minimum value based on cost of production to the farmers. However, this concept has been given a silent burial as a result of the destructive economic policy being pursued by the Congress party. An MSP of Rs 3000/- per quintal was announced for cotton but neither the Cotton Federation of India nor NAFED came to procure it. Today's harsh truth is that the poor farmer is forced to sell his cotton for Rs 2400/- per quintal. The Government did not provide enough funds to procure cotton and other crops. BJP is of the view that procurement of crops below the MSP should be made a penal offence.The worst sin committed by the Congress-led UPA Government is playing havoc with the nation's food security. The go downs which were filled to the brim during the NDA regime are lying empty due to the policies pursued by the Congress Government. Not only that the Congress-led Government did not provide remunerative prices to the farmers, but it also allowed private sector multinational companies to procure them directly from the farmers. By providing meager Rs 25-50 Rs extra, private companies have bought the farmers' produce in large quantity leaving little for the Government to distribute among the poor or even adequate enough to cater to the public distribution system. Thus, the private companies are indulging in hoarding, have hiked prices through commodity exchange and looted the people of the country. The era of inflation is a fatal outcome of this failed policy of the Congress party.The country which used to export food grains after meeting its own requirement under the NDA rule, has now become a net food grains importing country. Despite a good wheat production, millions of tones of substandard wheat was imported into the country. Congress led UPA government paid Rs 800 per quintal to Indian farmers and offered Rs 1600 to American and Australian farmers. BJP accords top most priority to food security. We have total faith in the Indian peasantry. With sheer hard work, it has the capacity to turn the country into a granary of food grain. The need of the hour is far sightedness, farmer-friendly policies and a commitment to food security. BJP believes that two policies are essential to ensure food security – a long-term focused agricultural policy aimed at enhancing production by encouraging productivity and providing remunerative prices to the farmers. BJP reiterates its commitment towards implementation of both these policies.Unfortunately, the Congress-led Government fiddled with even the Minimum Support Price mechanism. The Central Government deliberately weakened the price fixation mechanism. The value of the land rental, the regularity of natural calamities, the uncertainty in agriculture and factors such as risk are not factored while formulating the Minimum Support Price. Instead of bringing about this much-needed reform, the Congress Government has changed it for the worse into a tool for perpetrating injustice on the farmers. The Government threw into the dustbin the recommendations of the Agricultural Prices Commission to increase the prices of crops including food grains. While government granted Rs 1080 per quintal for wheat, it refused to grant parity for paddy. Consequently, today the nation is faced with shortage of rice.The BJP is of the firm view that the support price mechanism requires a complete overhaul and the recommendation of the Agricultural Commission for fixing the support price adding 50 per cent over the production cost, should be accepted.Shortage and black marketing of fertilizers is the creation of Congress rule. There is a shortage of fertilizers across the country due to the lack of coordination between the Ministries of Food, Agriculture and Railways and the failure of the Government to correctly assess the demand-supply situation. In the absence of adequate supply of Government subsidized fertilizer, the prices of alternative fertilizer have skyrocketed. There has been mass bungling and discrimination in the distribution of fertilizers by the Central Government. Step motherly treatment has been meted out to states ruled by opposition parties. Never in the past have farmers been subjected to such injustice on political grounds. Country has witnessed shortages, agitations and firing due to delay in announcing the fertilizer policy.The farmers also find themselves in dire straits over pesticides. In the absence of any Government control, pesticides are being sold at very high prices. Foreign companies are going for the kill. This is the only agriculture-related product on which the Centre has imposed 16 per cent excise duties. These pesticides are being marketed aggressively but there is no quality control mechanism. Spurious pesticides are available in plenty and lakhs of farmers are facing problems on account of this. The regulatory mechanism evolved during the tenure of the NDA Government has been disbanded by this Government.The Congress Government has destroyed the nation's self-reliance in seed production. The development of new seeds is dependent on research, but the UPA Government did not allocate adequate funds for research. As a result, Agricultural Universities have been reduced to colleges distributing degrees. There is no research work being carried out in these institutions. Today, most of the seed corporations have become import agents. There is an increasing use of BT genes in newer crops. The Government has not taken into account its consequences in the long run. India, which was self-reliant in seed, has today become import dependent.The Congress Government is wholly responsible for this seed-fertilizer-pesticide crisis which has resulted in an uncontrolled increase in production costs. The farmer is facing a twin crisis – on the one hand, he is not getting remunerative prices and on the other hand input costs are rising by leaps and bounds. His agricultural calculations have gone awry. This Government has failed to devise a mechanism to control input costs. BJP believes that agriculture can be profitable only when input costs do not increase disproportionate and remunerative prices are assured.This Government made a lot of promises but all of them proved to be hollow. Whether it be the Rs 25,000 crore special package or the National Food Security Mission or National Agriculture Development Programme, they have proved non starters. All have been reduced to mere slogans. Nowhere do we see their implementation. The government has totally neglected cattle development programme and has no long term policy to achieve this. Country is loosing valuable cattle population every year. Even the fishery remains a non-priority item for the government. This year potato growing farmers are facing the music because of non remunerative prices prevailing in the market. They could not even pay the rents of the cold storage. Government remained mute spectator. The government could have played a pivotal role by granting good package to revamp ailing a agriculture sector in this era of economic slow down, but did nothing about it.The Congress Government has even manipulated the exim policy for Agriculture sector. When the farmer starts getting good prices in the market, the Government starts exporting the item, when the farmer starts getting remunerative prices, the Government immediately stops imports, thereby closing all avenues for farmers to make some profit occasionally. The farmers have received a setback due to the uncertain export-import policies of the Government with regard to Basmati rice, sugar, soya and cotton.This Government has entered into a agriculture research related agreement (Knowledge Initiative in Agriculture) with the United States. Till today, nobody in the Parliament or outside are aware of what this initiative is all about. Is it harmful to the nation's bio diversity or is it toeing the agenda of the multinational companies? All aspects of this Agreement should come before the nation.The principal crime committed by this Government is putting into cold storage all the good initiatives taken by the NDA Government in the agricultural sector, whether it be the river inter-linking programme or the farm income guarantee insurance scheme. The Government lauded these programmes in its Budget speeches but did not implement them. The farmers' channel was shut down and the budget for agricultural research was scrapped. Government go downs were emptied and farmers were deprived of remunerative prices. The NDA Government had taken the historic decision to mix ethanol with petrol, which would have directly benefited the farmers. But the UPA Government decided not to implement the blending. The NDA Government had strongly advocated the case of the farmers in the WTO talks but today the nation is unaware of the negotiations carried out by Government. The development of agriculture is directly linked to public investment and especially in irrigation. The NDA Government had allocated fund for both these tasks in a big way but this Government changed its priorities. We had ensured cheaper loans for the farmers but now they have become dearer. The NDA Government had distributed crores of Kisan Credit Cards but in the absence of loans, they have been reduced to just cards. The NDA strengthened food security and this Government destroyed it.The country will have elections soon. The UPA will be voted out of power and we do not wish to demand anything from an outgoing Government. However, the Bharatiya Janata Party wishes to declare a Charter of Rights for the farmers:-*Charter of Rights for the farmers:-*Loans of all farmers to be waived off under the principle of equality.Agricultural loans to be provided at the rate of four per cent Interest.Provision of subsidy directly to farmersAdequate power supply for agricultureWater for every field and work for every handFarm income guarantee insurance scheme for small farmersPension for old age farmersMinimum Support Price for all cropsMinimum Support Price to be fixed after adding 50 per cent over production cost.Implementation of the recommendations of the Agricultural Commission.




Educational Resolution:




1. The National Executive of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) views with concern the attempts of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government to tamper with the contents of textbooks published by NCERT, in the name of "detoxification". The very word "detoxification" is a noxious terminology introduced by the Congress-Communist combine in the academic and political debate in the country.




2. The BJP consider this an assault on the education system. The enlightened people of India who are deeply rooted in the cultural values and traditions of their country will not be a mute spectator to this. The UPA's attempts to thrust outdated and distorted versions of Indian History must be resisted. The formation of a committee to "review" the National Council of Education Research and Training (NCERT) books is nothing but an eye wash. Under the Marxist influence the UPA government is unable to take a dispassionate view and uphold the academic wholesomeness of the textbooks.




3. The BJP demands that the UPA government discontinue with this harmful exercise as the NCERT's books conform to the National Curriculum Framework of School Education - 2000, which was developed through a most transparent and democratic exercise. The Supreme Court of India had, in its September 12, 2000 ruling on a writ petition filed by Aruna Roy and other, upheld the validity of the National Curriculum Framework and rejected allegations of "Saffronization".




4. It is a matter of pride that the books developed during the NDA regime give respect to all communities and religions. They have been greeted with unprecedented enthusiasm - a fact reflected in the three - fold increase of the sales of NCERT books. In 2002, Indian History Congress, a Marxist-dominated forum, had attempted to denigrate the quality of the textbooks but the NCERT's authors gave a fitting reply not only by proving the superiority of their scholarship over that of the Marxists but also by exposing their antinational bias.




5. The BJP expresses grave concern at the attempts to push down the throats of innocent Indians all kinds of inferior and false histories about our great nation. The Delhi State Council of Education Research and Training (SCERT) recently published a set of low standard text books abusing the history of the Sikhs, Jains, Rajputs and Jats. These books are full of wrong facts and interpretations. The authors have deliberately ejected India's glorious achievements in the sciences, arts, philosophy and medicine. They have also blocked out the contributions of the galaxy of great saints, reformers and freedom fighters.




6. The BJP believes that the only true history of India is one that covers the full spectrum of India's contributions to the march of civilization. "Indian" history is not about the rise and fall of Empires in Delhi but is also the saga of the people of all the regions and states. Along with the heroic sacrifices of national leaders and revolutionaries, the struggles of the oppressed sections like the Dalits and Ezhavas, and most importantly, the tribes must get their due recognition in our textbooks.




7. The BJP is of the firm opinion that the NCERT history books are focused on stimulation in young minds the values of patriotism and Sarva Dharma Samabhav - the twin foundations of India's millennia-old heritage. In the earlier NCERT textbooks, which were discontinued in 2002-03, there were passages which hurt the sensitivities of many communities like the Sikhs, Brahmins, Jains and Jats through willful denigration. A national hero like Guru Teg Bahadur was described as a "robber" who committed "plunder and rapine". The UPA government is now shamelessly trying to reintroduce now these obnoxious textbooks.




8. It is shocking that under communist goading, the new government is displaying rare energy in destroying what has been the positive and progressive contribution during past five and a half years in improving, upgrading and strengthening all sectors of education in India. In fact, such a programme was seen in action when communists came to power in West Bengal. The "Shuddho - Ashuddho" circular of the Jyoti Basu government is still in the memory of the nation. It was a blatant move to purge true facts from school history books and replace them with leftist propaganda.




9. The History and Social Sciences textbooks developed by NCERT provide facts and interpretations that would develop in young Indians a sense of pride and respect for their heritage and also a desire to understand the strength and weaknesses of Indian society. Such an approach would prepare them to meet the challenges of the twenty first century. The new government has no vision, no programme for further strengthening the education system. There is no effort to take the benefits of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan to the remote corners. The new academic session is on. The new government is not interested in the future of lakhs of students coming from middle-class families; it is busy in witch hunting, destroying institutions and victimizing honest and efficient officers. Such a precedent would not only demoralize the bureaucracy but would also seriously impair the valuable initiatives launched by the NDA government. The BJP expresses its strong opposition to these politically motivated steps by the new government.




10. The National Executive appeals to the people in general and to the academic community in particular, to remain vigilant and prevent the evil and perverted designs of the UPA government to denigrate the glorious Indian heritage, culture and tradition, distort history to suit its vote bank politics and to poison the young minds. The National Executive directs BJP units to undertake a massive awareness programme for informing people about the dangers of the Congress-Communist combine's designs for destroying the Indian education system.




11. The National Executive demands that the UPA government put an immediate halt to its nefarious efforts to refalsify and redistort historical research and history teaching in schools.








Right Her; Right Now
Current Political Situation

When the world has started looking upon us as one of the fast emerging global powers, when the nation is on the path of regeneration, when the inimical nations have started worrying about our growing power, when the nation is on the path of economic recovery, when we are moving from strength to strength, a counter effort has been launched to destabilise the economy, the Nation's Defence, leadership and the social fabric. This shall strengthen our resolve to enable a resilience to accelerate the growth of our Nation.The Nation has been confronted with the issue of probity in public life, the accompanying question of accountability and the need for reforms to eliminate corruption in public life.The BJP resolves to strengthen the Prime Minister's call to remove the dirt in public life wherever it can be traced. There are several steps required to be taken for this.Firstly, the full truth will be established by a credible inquiry. The Government has expeditiously announced an inquiry within 72 hours of the disclosures made by the Tehelka Tapes.Secondly, there will be strict accountability standards. For this event introspection within the Party is required. We shall undertake that exercise so as to prove that we are a Party with a difference.Thirdly, the law will be allowed to take its own course. The guilty shall be punished but the reputation of no honest man will be allowed to be sullied.Fourthly, wherever institutional changes are required to reform the system we will take initiative in that direction. The principal issue to be addressed is that of political funding. Parliamentary Democracy is the essence of Indian Political System. Political parties are the life and soul of Parliamentary Democracy. Funding of Political parties is a legitimate activity and the same will be made more transparent.Congress is known for its institutionalisation of corruption in politics. The state of political affairs which have taken shape in the course of history of Independent India is the product of successive Congress regimes. And the funding of politics in Congress has been made to suit the individual conveniences within the Congress. It created a morass out of politics. The history of Congress party's Governance is a history of scams.It is ironical that the Congress party is lecturing about moral standards in politics. It's past two prime ministers have been accused of corruption. One has been convicted and the other is in column no. 2 of the Bofor's charge sheet. Even today it is preparing for Elections in Tamilnadu under the leadership of a person convicted in a corruption case. All twenty-three Congress MLAs are ministers to sustain a corrupt government in panel in Bihar.BJP as a party has been fighting this political culture from the very beginning. We are determined to root out evils in the body politic of the nation. Our resolve is not going to be weakened by the conspiratorial propaganda of those who thrive on such dubious methods.As a party we have always been concerned about the funding of politics. We have devised a scheme of Aajiwan Sahyog Nidhi. This scheme of political funding is based on the philosophy of decentralisation of political funds in order to reduce dependence on big money. It is based on the principle of collecting funds through small amounts from larger section of supporters and sympathisers.It is our resolve to make Aajiwan Sahyog Nidhi so wide-based that the entire requirement of funds for the party is met by it.The Vajpayee Government has completed just three years in office and yet its achievements have been of historic dimensions. It is during this regime that a proper institutionalisation of National Security Council took place. India became a Nuclear power inspite of severe international pressure. We overcame harsh economic sanctions and the economy was put back on rails. The Government has taken historic steps to improve the rural infrastructure so that our villages can become the centres of prosperity. The prosperity of the villages means prosperity of the country. Above all this Government had generated a confidence among the people that the nation is acquiring new heights. The march of the nation is to become a global power.The National Executive of the BJP takes strong exception to the irresponsible statements of the Congress president Smt. Sonia Gandhi in the speech of the AICC Session in Bangalore. She called the Prime Minister and his colleagues in the Government "traitors" and to take the battle to the strects.The Congress party's stance in recent years on National Security issues is a matter of grave concern. It went against the national mood at the time of Pokharan and Kargil. Having been rebuffed by the people, the Congress Party has vainly, tried to "expose" the BJP's commitment to national security by trivialising national security issues, thereby unwittingly contributing to the lowering of India's standing abroad.A high tradition has been followed by Shri Bangaru Laxman while resigning from the post of president of the party the moment a charge was levelled against him. The party is greater than individual and the individual's interest is always subordinate to party's interests. We have always held that nation's interests are uppermost and Party's interests are subordinate to Nation's interests. This is what BJP means when it says Nation first-party next.The Opposition knowing well that this NDA Government under Vajpayee's Prime Ministership has become stable and that it has come to stay for full five years is desperate to circumvent the people's mandate given in a free and fair election and compel the Government to oblige them by resigning. Some political parties are attempting to create instability in the country by asking a Government with a popular mandate and a parliamentary majority to quit. There agenda is chaos and the BJP shall prevent the Nation from being inflicted with this malady.The National Executive assures the people that it is for upholding the purity of public life and that there will be no compromise on this. The Prime Minister in his address to the nation has voiced the resolve of the NDA and BJP in particular. The Prime Minister has stated:
"In a word, my countrymen, let us rise above our day-to-day preoccupations. Let us, by joining hands, convert this into an opportunity to make the defence of our country even stronger, to cleanse our political life, to cleanse our administration;""I shall spare on effort in this regard. You have my word;""That I shall do everything towards ensuring these wide-ranging reforms. I shall get to the bottom of the allegations which have been made;""I shall work to clean up the dirt that has come into view;""I will ensure that all this is done in such a way that the security of the country comes out stronger."This is our resolve too. This is also our pledge. Let every party Karyakarta and the people strive together their utmost to achieve and realise this.

The Congress Strickes Back:

Farm Loan Waiver now Rs. 72,000 crore

CONGRESS KA HAATH

ANNADATA KE SAATH
In his budget speech this year, when the Finance Minister P. Chidambaram announced the most ambitious farm loan waiver scheme with an estimated write off of Rs. 60,000 crores covering more than 4 crore farmers, it was hailed as a historic decision. Surely, no government has ever had the courage and the resources to provide direct cash relief to so many distressed farmers.
But under the dynamic and efficient leadership of UPA chairperson Smt. Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, the national economy has grown for four years at a sustained rate of more than 9 percent per annum. Consequently, the UPA has the resources to provide relief to the farmers without imposing any additional burden on tax-payers. So good is the health of the economy that tax payers have been provided a big relief as well.
In his intervention in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, AICC General Secretary along with other Congress MP's made two pertinent points regarding the loan waiver scheme. As the current ceiling of 2 hectares for eligible farmers did not account for land productivity and excluded deserving farmers in poorly irrigated areas, specifically the dry land areas like Vidarbha, he suggested that land ceiling be based upon productivity. Taking into consideration the cropping cycles, he also suggested that localized cutoff dates be considered so that every deserving farmer benefits from the waiver.
Thus the amended loan waiver scheme has been announced. It is now more inclusive. It offers a total waiver of Rs. 72,000 crores. Its highlights are as follows:
Full loan waiver for small farmers and marginal farmers.Waiver will cover short term crop loans as well as all the overdue installments on the investment credit.For short-term production loans, the amounts disbursed upto March 31st, 2007 and overdue as on December 31st, 2007 and remaining unpaid until February 28th, 2008 are eligible for loan waiver.For investment loans, the installments of such loans that are overdue, together with the interest are eligible for all loans disbursed upto March 31, 2007 and overdue as on December 31st, 2007 and remaining unpaid till February 28th 2008.Marginal farmer is defined as cultivating agricultural land up to 1 hectare or 2.5 acres.Small farmer is defined as cultivating between 1 hectare and 2 hectares i.e. less than 5 acres. Small and marginal farmers account for between 70 to 94 percent of all farmers in most states.Other farmers, i.e. owning more than 5 acres or more than 2 hectares, will get one-time settlement (OTS) relief.Bulk of all dry and unirrigated lands fall in districts covered by the drought prone area programme popularly known as DPAP and the desert development programme (DDP). The total number of such districts is 237.Special package for other farmers in these 237 districts.For other farmers in these 237 districts, the OTS relief will be 25% or Rs. 20,000, whichever is higher and not 25 percent as announced in the budget.This means bigger relief for other farmers. For instance, if a farmer's overdue was Rs. 20,000 under the original package he would have had Rs. 5,000, now the farmer will get Rs. 20,000 write off. If earlier the farmer's outstanding was Rs. 60,000, under the earlier package, he would have got Rs. 15,000, now he will get Rs. 20,000 written off.On an average, the larger farmer (holding more than 5 acres) in these areas has a short term crop loan of about Rs. 19,908 and the average size of the investment loan is Rs.13,224. As per these figures, 60-65 percent of large farmers in these 237 districts will get not 25% relief, but full debt waiver.
Simple implementation, clear guidelinesThere is no application, no certification, no documents to be attached, nothing.Each branch manager has to prepare two lists.The first list will be for small and marginal farmers who will get full debt waiver. The name of the farmer, the amount of loan that is outstanding against him and the full debt waiver will be put up in that list.The second list will consist of other farmers. The OTS relief will be 25% and in some districts 25% or Rs. 20,000, whichever is higher.The two lists will be finalized and the list will be put up on the notice board of the branch of the lending institution.Any farmer can simply walk up to the bank branch and look at the list. He will find his name in either in debt waiver list or the debt relief list, and amount of debt waiver or the debt relief will also be published in that list.The list will be prepared by the bank, put on the notice board and the debt is waived. The farmer has to do nothing.In case of OTS relief, the farmer has to pay the balance 75%. He can pay the balance in three installments on or before 30th of June, 2009.Up to 30th June, 2009, no interest will be charged on the outstanding amount of the other farmer.In case a farmer has a complaint, if his name is not in the correct list or his name is not in the list at all, he can give a complaint to the grievance redressal officer.Every bank has been asked to appoint as many grievance redressal officers as necessary having regard to the number of branches in each district in his zone. Complaint can be sent directly to the bank or to the grievance redressal officer.All complaints will be compiled and monitored.All grievances will be disposed of within 30 days.It is a simple hassle free mechanism.The moment the debt waiver is done and the debt relief is done, a certificate will be issued by the branch to the farmer that he is being given either debt waiver or debt relief.The only one paper which the farmer has to handle is the paper that he will receive, namely the certificate.4,30,00,000 farmers to benefit which will be about 70 to 94 per cent. Loan waiver to be completed by June 30th, 2008.
Freedom from poverty is not a matter of charity or luck; it is a right - Rahul Gandhi, AICC General Secretary
National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme:
The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme is one of the most ambitious poverty alleviation schemes initiated by the Congress led UPA Government under the leadership of Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and a social safety net of this dimension has not been undertaken ever before anywhere in the world. The steadfast commitment of Smt. Sonia Gandhi, President, Indian National Congress in the conception, formulation, enactment and implementation of the scheme made it possible to fulfill an important promise we had made in our manifesto for the 2004 Lok Sabha elections.For the first time in the history of independent India the Congress led UPA Government has given legal sanctity to the right to work in the rural areas.In the first phase (2006-2007) 200 districts were identified and in the second phase (2007-2008), another 130 districts were identified for the implementation of NREGS. The Act provided time till 2010 to cover the entire country. But in view of the tremendous potential that the NREGS has to benefit the rural poor, the Congress led UPA Government announced the extension of the Scheme to all the remaining districts this year itself. This will be implemented from 1st April 2008.The outstanding benefit of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act was its success in providing employment to 2.10 crore rural households, in the 200 districts in which the scheme was implemented in the first phase during 2006-2007.The scheme created 90.50 crore person days and the amount of wages paid for unskilled, semi-skilled and skilled jobs was to the tune of Rs. 6204.09 crores in 2006-07 and Rs. 2469.44 crore up to August, 2007.The Congress Party has always been championing the cause of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Out of the person days created, more than 60% share was of SC and ST.The share of women in the person-days created was 40%.A total of 8,00,000 works, which focused on creating durable assets were taken up of which, 54% of the works pertained to water conservation and water harvesting.There is increasing evidence that the implementation of the scheme has improved land productivity.In several parts of the country water table are rising after ponds, wells and other water bodies were built or recharged under National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme.It has resulted in improved economic independence for women and enabled many women to come out of social barriers and traditional religious inhibitions.Under this scheme small and marginal farmers belonging to SC and ST can undertake land improvement like contour bunding, nallah bunding, dug wells and ponds and also get employment for the work done on their own fields.








Minority ReportPrime Minister's New 15 Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities:1. The Prime Minister's New 15 Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities was announced in June, 2006. The new programme envisages location of a certain proportion of development projects in minority concentration areas for ensuring that the benefits of the schemes, included in the programme, flow equitably to the minorities. It also provides that, wherever possible, 15% of targets and outlays, under schemes considered amenable to earmarking, should be earmarked for the minorities.2. Some of the notable achievements made during 2006-07, 2007-08 and till 31st December, 2008 are given below:-(a) Under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), 961 primary schools were constructed in 2006-07 in minority concentration areas and this increased to 2008 in 2007-08. In 2008-09, 3226 primary schools have been constructed till 31st December, 2008. In respect of new upper primary schools, 1,114 were opened in such areas during 2006-07. This increased to 3,001 during 2007­-08. In 2008-09, 2531 new upper primary schools have been constructed till 31st December, 2008. Similarly, the number of Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (KGBV) sanctioned for educationally backward blocks, having a substantial minority population, rose from 97 in 2006-07 to 219 in 2007-08. In 2008-09, till 31st December, 2008, 120 KGBVs have been constructed.(b) Under the Swarnjayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana (SGSY), 60,494 Swarojgaris belonging to the minorities were assisted in 2006-07 and this went up to 1,43,385 in 200'7-08. In 2008-09, 1,86,570 swarojgaris have been assisted till 31st December, 2008.(c) Under the Indira Awas Yojana (lAY), 14,236 BPL families belonging to the minorities were assisted for construction of houses in 2006-07. This went up to 1,55,980 in 2007-08. In 2008-09, 2,39,235 families have been assisted till 31st December, 2008.(d) Under the Swarn Jayanti Shahari Rojgar Yojana (SJSRY), 15,933 beneficiaries were assisted for skill training in 2006-07. In 2007-08, the achievement rose substantially to 41,466. The target for minorities has been fixed at 22,535 for 2008-09 and 20,931 beneficiaries have been assisted till 31st December, 2008.(e) The proportion of priority sector lending (PSL) flowing to the minorities has been targeted to increase from 9% of the total priority sector lending to 15% over three years i.e. 2007-08 to 2009-10. In 2007-08, Rs.58,662.67 crore, which was 9.67% of the total priority sector lending, was disbursed to minorities. The target for minorities is Rs. 86,774.01 crore for 2008-09 which come to 13% of the national target of PSL. Of this, Rs.71,566.58 crore have been disbursed till 31st December, 2008, which is about 82.47% of the target fixed for minorities.(f) Under Basic Services for Urban Poor (BSUP) 101 projects (costing Rs. 5234.39 crore) were sanctioned in 12 cities having a substantial minority population during 2008-09. Under Integrated Housing & Slum Development Programme (IHSDP) 117 projects costing 1660.16 crores sanctioned in 90 towns having a substantial minority population during 2008-09.
3. Schemes to improve representation of minorities in government service:(a) Revised guidelines to improve the representation of minorities in government service and public sector undertakings have been issued by the Department of Personnel & Training in January, 2007. Since then, there has been an improvement in recruitment from 6.95% in 2006-07 to 8.65% in 2007-08 in Central Ministries/Departments.(b) Coaching and allied scheme has been launched in July, 2007 with a view to enhance the skills and knowledge of students and candidates from the minority communities to secure employment in government service, public sector undertakings and jobs in the private sector. Sixty proposals for coaching 4147 candidates were sanctioned in 2007-08 covering 14 States/UTs and 72 proposals for coaching 5522 students have been approved till 31 March, 2009 in 2008-09 covering 20 States/UTs.
B. Exclusive schemes for minority communities1. Scholarship schemes for students belonging to the minority communities:(a) Three scholarship schemes for students belonging to the minority communities have been launched. To ensure that girl students get a fair share, all three schemes have 30% scholarships earmarked for them. These are: -(i) Merit-cum-means scholarship: 17258 scholarships were awarded in 2007-08, the first year of implementation of which 29.02% went to girl students. For 2008-09, 26,195 scholarships have been sanctioned of which 32.01% went to girl students.(ii) Post-matric scholarship: 57112 scholarships were awarded in 2007-08, the first year of implementation of which 56.80% went to girl students. In 2008-09, 1.5 lakh scholarships have been sanctioned of which 55.75% went to girl students.(iii) Pre-matric scholarship: 2008-09 is the first year of implementation of this scheme. 5.13 lakh scholarships have been sanctioned of which 50.89% went to girl students.
2. Special area development programme: 90 minority concentration districts (MCDs), which are backward in basic amenities and socio-economic parameters, were identified in 2007-08 A multi-sectoral development programme to address the 'development deficits' specially in education, skill development, employment, sanitation, housing, drinking water and electricity supply has been launched from 2008-09. Baseline surveys to identify 'development deficits' have been carried out in all the districts. Plans of 47 districts in Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Assam, Manipur, Bihar, Meghalaya, Jharkhand, Orissa and Andaman & Nicobar Islands have been approved and Rs.270.85 crore has been released till 31st March, 2009
3. Maulana Azad Education Foundation (MAEF)MAEF corpus had been enhanced from Rs.100 crore to Rs.250 crore by 2007-­08 to enable it to expand its education development activities. A further sum of Rs.60 crore has been sanctioned in 2008-09. The foundation has sanctioned grant of Rs.115.36 crore to 881 NGOs all over the country since its inception. In 2008-09, the foundation has sanctioned scholarships for 12,064 girl students amounting to Rs.14.48 crore till 31st January, 2009.
4. National Minorities Development & Finance Corporation (NMDFC)The authorised share capital of the NMDFC was increased from RS.650 crore to RS.750 crore in 2007-08 and to RS.850 crore in 2008-09. NMDFC has given financial assistance to 425156 beneficiaries amounting to Rs.1172.36 crore in 25 States and 3 Union Territories since inception till 31st January, 2009. In 2008-09, an amount of Rs.130.72 crore has been disbursed to 51,198 beneficiaries. It has been approved 'in-principle' that NMDFC will be restructured.5. Measures for the development of WakfsThe Cabinet has given in principle approval for the restructuring of the National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation. As part of the restructuring of the NMDFC a National Wakf Development Agency will be set up. Prime Minister has approved to make a suitable plan provision in the annual plan of 2009-10 for (a) computerisation of the records of the State Wakf Boards, (b) to finance the State Wakf Boards, and (c) to make provision in the non-plan to make grants to the Central Wakf Council to meet its administrative expenses.The Ministry of Minority Affairs is taking action accordingly. The Ministry has also circulated a draft note for the Cabinet on amendments to the Wakf Act, 1995 after considering the recommendations of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Wakfs.
C. INITIATIVES TAKEN IN PURSUANCE OF THE SACHAR COMMITTEE RECOMMENDATIONS:(a) All public sector banks have been directed to open more branches in districts having a substantial minority population. In 2007-08, 523 branches were opened in such districts. In 2008-09, 329 new branches have been opened till 31st December, 2008.(b) An expert group constituted to study and recommend the structure and functions of an Equal Opportunity Commission submitted its report on 13th March, 2008. A proposal in this regard is under inter-ministerial consultation.(c) The expert group constituted for evolving an appropriate Diversity Index to measure diversity in the areas of education, housing and employment has submitted its report on 24th June, 2008. The recommendations of the expert group are under consideration.(d) A National Data Bank, to compile data on the various socio-economic and basic amenities parameters for socio-religious communities, has been set up in the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation.(e) An autonomous Assessment & Monitoring Authority (AMA), to analyse data collected for taking appropriate and corrective policy decisions, has been set up in the Planning Commission.(f) The Madarsa modernization programme has been revised to make it more attractive by providing better salary to teachers, increased assistance for books, teaching aids and computers, and introduction of vocational subjects, etc. This scheme, now known as Quality Improvement in Madarsa Education, has been launched by the Ministry of Human Resource Development. In the year 2008-09, Rs.49.50 crores have been released for 14539 Madarsa teachers in 8025 Madarsa in the 14 States/UTs.(g) A new centrally sponsored scheme of financial assistance for Infrastructure Development of Privately Managed Elementary / Secondary / Sr. Secondary schools set up by minorities has been launched with an allocation of Rs.125.00 crores during Xlth Plan.(h) National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has prepared text books for all classes in the light of the National Curriculum Framework-2005.(i) Thirteen universities have been provided Rs.40 lakh each for starting centres for studying social exclusion and inclusive policy for minorities and scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. (j) A training module has been developed by the Indian Institute of Public Administration, for sensitization of government officials. The module has been sent to all the Central/State Training Institutes for implementation. Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration (LBSNAA) has prepared a module for sensitization of organised civil services and it has been incorporated in their training programmes.(k) Under Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium Towns (UIDSSMT), additional central assistance of Rs.1602.20 crore has been sanctioned for 69 towns having substantial minority population, out of which Rs.659.37 crore has been released in 2008-09 till 31st January, 2009. draft 4/29/09

So, Indians...Now its Our Turn....whom to Vote n Use Our Right To DEMOCRACY
Note: There Are No Personal Comments for any Individual or Political Party. The Source Of The Information Above Are Many Websites, Including Official Websites Of The Parties.
Thank You
Rricky Thakkar








Wednesday, April 29, 2009


A new spectre seems to be haunting society. Or maybe those phantom creatures that
have been pushed into the shades for ages are taking on human form – and that is
why there is so much fear. The sex workers’ movement for the last few years has
made us confront many fundamental questions about social structures, life sexuality, moral
rights and wrongs. We think an intrinsic component of our movement is to go on searching
for the answers to these questions, and to raise newer ones.

What Is the Sex Workers’ Movement All About?

We came together as a community through our active involvement as health workers, Peer
Educators, in a HIV/STD Control Project which has been running in Sonagachhi since 1992.
This Project provided the initial space for building mutual support, facilitating reflection and
initiating collective action among us (sex workers). Very early on in the Sonagachhi Project,
we, with the empathetic support of those who had started the Project, clearly recognised
that to realise even the very basic objectives of controlling transmission of HIV and STDs,
it was crucial that we be viewed in our totality – as complete persons with a range of
emotional and material needs, living within concrete and specific social, political and
ideological contexts which determine the quality of our lives and our health. We do not wish
to be seen merely in terms of our sexual behaviour.
For example, while promoting the use of condoms we soon realised that in order to
change the sexual behaviour of sex workers, it was not enough to enlighten them about the
risks of unprotected sex or to improve their communication and negotiation skills. How will
a sex worker who does not value herself at all think of taking steps to protect her health
and her life? Even when fully aware of the necessity of using condoms to prevent the
transmission of disease, an individual sex worker may feel compelled to jeopardise her
health for fear of losing her clients to other sex workers in the area, unless it could be
ensured that all sex workers were able to persuade their clients to use condoms for every
sexual act. Some sex workers may not even be in a position to try and negotiate safer sex
with a client as they may be too closely controlled by exploitative madams or pimps. If a
sex worker is starving, either because she does not have enough customers or because
most of her income goes towards maintaining a room or meeting the demands of madams,
local power-brokers or the police, can she be really in a position to refuse a client who
cannot be persuaded to use condoms? And what about the client? Is a man likely to be
amenable to learn anything from a woman, particularly an uneducated ‘fallen’ woman? For
him, doesn’t coming to a prostitute necessarily involve an inherent element of risky and
irresponsible behaviour? In which case, don’t notions of responsibility and safety completely
contradict his attitude towards his relationship with a prostitute? Doesn’t a condom
represent, for him, an unnecessary impediment in his way to ‘total’ pleasure?
In most cases this male client may himself be a poor, displaced man. Is he in a position
to value his own life or protect his health? Again, why does a sex worker who is ready to
use a condom with her client, generally never have protected sex with her lover or husband?
What fine balance – between commercial transactions and love, caution and trust, safety
and intimacy – engenders such behaviour? How do ideologies of love, family and
motherhood influence our every sexual gesture?
Thus, thinking about such an apparently uncomplicated question – whether a sex
worker can insist on having safe sex – made us realise that the issue is not at all simple.
Sexuality and the lives and movement of sex workers are intrinsically enmeshed in the
social structure we live within and the dominant ideology which shapes our values.
Like many other professions, sex work is also an occupation, and it is probably one of
the ‘oldest professions’ in the world because it meets an important social demand. But the
term ‘prostitute’ is rarely used to refer to an occupational group who earns its livelihood
through providing sexual services. Rather, it is deployed as a descriptive term denoting a
homogenised category (usually of women) that poses threats to public health, sexual
morality, social stability and civic order. Within this discursive boundary we systematically
find ourselves to be targets of moralising impulses of dominant social groups, through
missions of cleansing and sanitising, both materially and symbolically. If and when we figure
in political or developmental agendas, we are enmeshed in discursive practices and
practical projects which aim to rescue, rehabilitate, improve, discipline, control or police us.
Charity organisations are prone to rescue us and put us in ‘safe’ homes, developmental
organisations are likely to ‘rehabilitate’ us through meagre income-generation activities, and
the police seem bent upon regularly raiding our quarters in the name of controlling ‘immoral’
trafficking. Even when we are inscribed less negatively or even sympathetically within
dominant discourses, we are not exempt from stigmatisation or social exclusion. As
powerless, abused victims with no resources, we are seen as objects of pity. Otherwise we
appear as the self-sacrificing and nurturing supporting cast of characters in popular
literature and cinema, ceaselessly ready to give up our hard-earned income, our clients, our
‘sinful’ ways and finally our lives, to ensure the well-being of the hero or the society he
represents. In either case, we are refused enfranchisement as legitimate citizens or
workers, and are banished to the margins of society and history.
The kind of oppression that can be meted out to a sex worker can never be perpetrated
against a regular worker. The justification given is that sex work is not real work – it is
morally sinful. As prostitution is kept hidden behind the façade of sexual morality and social
order, unlike other professions, there is no legitimacy or scope for any discussion about the
demands and needs of the workers of the sex industry.

People who are interested in our welfare, and many are genuinely concerned, often
cannot think beyond rehabilitating us or abolishing prostitution altogether. However, we
know that in reality it is perhaps impossible to ‘rehabilitate’ a sex worker because society
never allows to erase our identity as prostitutes. Is rehabilitation feasible, or even desirable?
In a country where unemployment is in such gigantic proportions, where does the
compulsion to displace millions of women and men who are already engaged in an
occupation which supports them and their extended families come from? If other workers
in similarly exploitative occupations can work within the structures of their profession to
improve their working conditions, why can’t sex workers remain in the sex industry and
demand a better deal in their life and work?

What is the History of Sexual Morality?

Like other human propensities and desires, sexuality and sexual needs are fundamental and
necessary to the human condition. Ethical and political ideas about sexuality and sexual
practices are socially conditioned and historically and contextually specific. In society as we
know it now, ideologies about sexuality are deeply entrenched within structures of
patriarchy and largely misogynist mores. State and social structures only acknowledge a
limited and narrow aspect of our sexuality. Pleasure, happiness, comfort and intimacy find
expression through sexuality. On the one hand we weave narratives around these in our
literature and art. But on the other, our societal norms and regulations allow for sexual
expression only between men and women within the strict boundaries of marital relations
within the institution of the family. Why have we circumscribed sexuality within such a narrow
confine, ignoring its many other expressions, experiences and manifestations?
Ownership of private property and maintenance of patriarchy necessitates a control
over women’s reproductive rights. Since inheritance is maintained through legitimate heirs,
and sexual intercourse between men and women is what carries the potential to procreate,
capitalist patriarchy sanctions and privileges only such heterosexual couplings. Sex is seen
primarily, and almost exclusively, as an instrument for reproduction, negating all aspects of
pleasure and desire intrinsic to it. Homosexuality is not only denied legitimacy, it is
considered to be undesirable, unnatural and deviant.
Thus, sex and sexuality are given no social sanction beyond their reproductive purpose.
Do we then not value motherhood? Just because our profession or our social situation
as sex workers does not allow for legitimate parenthood, are we trying to claim that
motherhood and bearing children is unworthy and unimportant for women? That is not the
case. We feel that every woman has the right to bear children if she so wishes. But we also
think that through trying to establish motherhood as the only and primary goal for a woman,
patriarchal structures try to control women’s reproductive functions and curb their social
and sexual autonomy. Many of us sex workers are mothers – our children are very precious
to us. By social standards these children are illegitimate – bastards. But at least they are
ours, and not mere instruments for maintaining some man’s property or continuing his
genealogy. However, we too are not exempt from the ideologies of the society we live in.
For many of us the impossible desire for family, home and togetherness is a permanent
source of pain.

Do Men and Women Have Equal Claims to Sexuality?

Societal norms about sex and sexuality do not apply equally to men and women. If sexual
needs are at all acknowledged beyond procreation, it is only for men. Even if there are
minor variations from community to community, and if in the name of modernity certain
mores have changed in some place, it is largely men who have enjoyed the right to be
polygamous or seek multiple sexual partners. Women have always been expected to be
faithful to a single man. Beyond scriptural prohibitions too, social practices severely restrict
the expression of female sexuality. As soon as a girl reaches puberty, her behaviour is
strictly controlled and monitored so as not to provoke the lust of men. In the name of
‘decency’ and ‘tradition’, a female teacher is prohibited from wearing the clothes of her
choice to the university. While selecting a bride for the son, the men of the family scrutinise
the physical attributes of a potential bride. Pornographic representations of women satisfy
the voyeuristic pleasures of millions of men. From shaving cream to bathroom fittings,
innumerable commodities are sold through attracting men via advertisements depicting
women as sex objects.
In this political economy of sexuality, there is no space for the expression of women’s
own sexuality and desires. Women have to cover their bodies from the gaze of men and at
the same time have to bare themselves for male gratification. Even when women are
granted some amount of subjecthood by being represented as consumers in commercial
media, that role is defined by their ability to buy, and normed by capitalist and patriarchal
strictures.

Is Our Movement Anti-Men?

Our movement is definitely against patriarchy, but not against all individual men. As it so
happens, apart from the madams and landladies, almost all people who profit from the sex
trade are men. But what is more important is that their attitudes towards women and
prostitution are biased, with strong patriarchal values. They generally think of women as
weak, dependent, immoral or irrational – beings who need to be directed and disciplined.
Conditioned by patriarchal gender ideologies, both men and women in general approve of
the control of sex trade and oppression of sex workers as necessary for maintaining social
order. The power of this moral discourse is so strong that we prostitutes too tend to think
of ourselves as morally corrupt and shameless. The men who come to us as clients are
also victims of the same ideology. Sometimes the sense of sin adds to their thrill,
sometimes it leads to perversion, and almost always it creates a feeling of self-loathing
among them. Never does it allow for confident, honest sexual exchange.
It is important to remember that there is no uniform category ‘men’. Men, like women,
are differentiated by their class, caste, race and other social relations. For many men,
adherence to the dominant sexual norm is not only impracticable but also unreal. The young
men who look for sexual initiation, the married men who seek the company of ‘other’
women, the migrant labourers separated from their wives who try to find warmth and
companionship in the red light areas, cannot all be dismissed as wicked and perverted. To
do so would amount to dismissing a whole history of the human search for desire, intimacy
and need. Such dismissal creates an unfulfilled demand for sexual pleasure, the burden of
which, though shared by men and women alike, ultimately weighs more heavily on women.
Sexuality, which can be a basis of an equal, healthy relationship between men and women,
between people, becomes the source of further inequality and stringent control. This is
what we oppose.
Next to any factory, truckers’ checkpoint or market, there have always been red light
areas. The same system of productive relations and logic of profit maximisation, which
drives men from their homes in villages to towns and cities, make women into sex workers
for these men.
What is deplorable is that this patriarchal ideology is so deeply entrenched, and the
interest of men as a group is so solidly vested in it, that women’s issues hardly ever find a
place in mainstream political or social movements. The male workers who organise
themselves against exploitation rarely address the issues of gender oppression, let alone
the oppression of sex workers. Against the interest of women, these radical men too
defend the ideology of the family and patriarchy.

Are We against the Institution of Family?

In the perception of society, we sex workers and in fact all women outside the relation of
conjugality are seen as threats to the institution of family. It is said that enticed by us, men
stray from the straight and narrow path, destroy the family. All institutions, from religious to
educational, reiterate and perpetuate this fear about us. Women, and men too, are the
victims of this all-pervasive misogyny.
We would like to stress strongly that the sex workers’ movement is not against the
institution of family. What we challenge is the inequity and oppression within the dominant
notions of an ‘ideal’ family which support and justify unequal distribution of power and
resources within the structures of the family. What our movement aims at is working
towards a really humanitarian, just and equitable structure of the family that has perhaps
yet to come into existence.
Like other social institutions, the family too is situated within the material and
ideological structures of the state and society. The basis of a normative ideal family is
inheritance through legitimate heirs, and therefore, sexual fidelity. Historically, the structure
of the family has in reality gone through many changes. In our country, by and large, joint
families are being replaced by nuclear ones. In fact, in all societies people actually live their
lives in many different ways, through various social and cultural relations which deviate from
this norm, but are still not recognised as such by dominant discourses.
If two persons love each other, want to be together, want to raise children together,
relate to the social world, it can be a happy, egalitarian, democratic arrangement. But does
it really happen like that within the families we see, between the couples we know? Don’t we
know of many, many families where there is no love, and where relations are based on
inequality and oppression? Don’t many legal wives virtually live the life of sex slaves in
exchange for food and shelter? In most cases, women do not have the power or the
resources to opt out of such marriages and families. Sometimes men and women both
remain trapped in empty relations by social pressure. Is this situation desirable? Is it
healthy?

The Whore and the Madonna: Divide and Rule

Within the oppressive family ideology, it is women’s sexuality that is identified as the main
threat to the conjugal relationship of a couple. Women are pitted against each other as the
wife against the prostitute, the chaste against the immoral; both represented as fighting
over the attention and lust of men. A chaste wife is granted no sexuality, only a de-sexed
motherhood and domesticity. At the other end of the spectrum is the ‘fallen’ woman, a sex
machine, unfettered by any domestic inclination or ‘feminine’ emotion. A woman’s goodness
is judged on the basis of her desire and ability to control and disguise her sexuality. The
neighbourhood girl who dresses up cannot be good; models and actresses are morally
corrupt. In all cases, female sexuality is controlled and shaped by patriarchy through
reproduction, and to perpetuate the existing political economy of sexuality that safeguards
the interests of men. A man has access to his docile homemaker wife, the mother of his
children, and to the prostitute who sustains his wildest sexual fantasies. Women’s sexual
needs are considered to be insignificant; in most cases, these needs are denied autonomy,
or their existence erased.
Probably no one other than a prostitute really realises the extent of loneliness,
alienation, desire and yearning for intimacy that brings men to us. The sexual needs we
satisfy for these men is not just about mechanical sexual activity, nor a momentary
gratification of ‘base’ instincts. Beyond the sex act, we provide a much wider range of
sexual pleasure with regard to intimacy, touch and companionship – a service that we
render without any social recognition of its significance. At least men can come to us for
their sexual needs despite the system of prostitution being seen as prurient or shameful.
Women hardly have such recourse. The autonomy of women’s sexuality is completely
denied. Ironically, the only option they have is to be prostitutes in the sex industry.

Why Do Women Take Up Prostitution?

Women take up prostitution for the same reason as they take up any other livelihood option
available to them. Our stories are not fundamentally different from the labourer from Bihar
who pulls a rickshaw in Calcutta, or the worker from Calcutta who works part-time in a
factory in Bombay. Some of us get sold into the industry. After being bonded to the madam
who has bought us for some years, we gain a degree of independence within the sex
industry. Most of us end up in the sex trade after going through many experiences, often
unwillingly, without fully understanding all the implications of being a prostitute.
But when do women have access to choice within or outside the family? Do we become
casual or domestic labourers willingly? Do we have a choice about who we want to marry
and when? The choice is rarely real for most women, particularly poor women.
Why do we end up staying in prostitution? It is, after all, a very tough occupation. The
physical labour involved in providing sexual services to multiple clients in a working day is
no less intense or rigorous than ploughing a field or working in a factory. There are
occupational hazards such as unwanted pregnancy, painful abortions, risk of sexually
transmitted diseases. In almost all red light areas, housing and sanitation facilities are
abysmal, the localities are crowded, most sex workers are quite poor, and there is constant
police harassment and violence from local thugs. Moreover, to add to the material condition
of deprivation and distress, we have to take on stigmatisation and marginalisation, the
social indignity of being ‘sinful’, being mothers of illegitimate children, being the target of
those children’s frustrations and anger.

Do We Advocate ‘Free Sex’?

What we advocate and desire is independent, democratic, non-coercive, mutually
pleasurable and safe sex. ‘Free sex’ seems to imply irresponsibility and lack of concern for
others’ well-being, which is not what we are working towards. Freedom of speech,
expression or politics all come with obligations and need to acknowledge and
accommodate the other’s freedom too. Freedom of sexuality should also come with
responsibility and respect for other’s needs and desires. We do want the freedom to explore
and shape healthy, mature attitudes and practices about sex and sexuality, that are also
free from obscenity and vulgarity.
We do not yet know what this autonomous sexuality will be like in practice. We do not
have a complete picture as yet. We are working people, not soothsayers or prophets.
When, for the first time in history, workers agitated for class equity and freedom from
capitalist exploitation, when blacks protested against white hegemony, when feminists
rejected the subordination of women, they too did not know fully what the new system they
were striving for would exactly be like. There is no exact picture of the ‘ideal’ future: it can
only emerge and be shaped through the process of political movement.
All we can say is that in our imagination of autonomous sexuality, men and women will
have equal access, will participate equally, will have the right to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’; and there
will be no space for guilt or oppression.
We do not live in an ideal social world today. We do not know when and if ever an ideal
social order will come into place. In our less-than-ideal world, if we can accept the
immorality of commercial transactions over food or health, why is exchanging sex for
money so unethical and unacceptable? Maybe in an ideal world there will be no need for any
such transactions; where the material, emotional, intellectual and sexual needs of all will be
met equitably and with pleasure and happiness. We do not know. All we can do now is to
explore current inequalities and injustices, question their basis and confront, challenge and
change them.

Which Way Is Our Movement Going?

The process of struggle that we, the members of Mahila Samanwaya Committee, are
currently engaged in has only just begun. We think our movement has two principal aspects.
The first one is to debate, define and re-define the whole host of issues about gender,
poverty, sexuality that are being thrown up within the process of the struggle itself. Our
experience of Mahila Samanwaya Committee shows that for a marginalised group to
achieve the smallest of gains, it becomes imperative to challenge an all-encompassing
material and symbolic order that not only shapes dominant discourses but, and perhaps
more importantly, historically conditions the way we negotiate our own locations as workers
within the sex industry. This long-term and complex process will have to continue.
Second, the daily oppression that is practiced on us with the support of the dominant
ideologies has to be urgently and consistently confronted and resisted. We have to struggle
to improve the conditions of our work and the material quality of our lives, and that can
happen through efforts towards our gaining control as sex workers over the sex industry
itself. We have started the process. Today in many red light areas in cities, towns and
villages, we sex workers have come to organise our own forums to create solidarity and
collective strength among a larger community of prostitutes, forge a positive identity for
ourselves as prostitutes and mark out a space for acting on our own behalf.